Developing a conceptual framework is an impossible possibility Essay - 1

Developing a conceptual framework is an impossible possibility - Essay Example There have been increasing efforts towards formation of standardized approaches in accounting, in what may be explained to be an accounting conceptual framework. The standardized approach in accounting aims to offering a holistic and uniformed approach in which all accounting problems can be handled. Moreover, such standards help in ensuring ethics and morality in accounting discipline considering that fraud and dishonesty are the main vices affecting the economic discipline as people undertake such economic roles with selfish interests, eroding the integrity of such a profession. Knowledge regarding elements and aspects of accounting and the image created by such profession are thus of critical importance in accounting. Knowledge and Sources of Knowledge Epistemology is the discipline concerned with the theory of knowledge and the way people can attain knowledge. In most cases, sentences are only used to convey meaning, and the meaning itself does not reside in sentences. A proposit ion is the main element in a sentence as it refers to the meaning of a sentence, and it is the one that leads to knowledge. In accounting, knowledge can be gained from a diversity of sources. Knowledge may be attained through skills in doing something. An accountant who spends most of the time preparing financial statement will develop skills in the practice and this would lead to more detailed knowledge than other accountants in a separate department. This involves the act of â€Å"knowing how† to do something. Moreover, such knowledge may be genetically programmed in that some people are born with talents and have much higher proficiency in carrying out specific tasks. Knowledge may also be obtained through acquaintance with something or observing something until one grasps the basic concepts in doing it. For example, as person can observe the basic operation of balancing a balance sheet, or any other financial statement over time till they grasp the basic concepts of perfo rming such a task even without formal education on how to do it. Many people in on-job training learn through acquaintance till they develop such skills and are able to perform as required. Knowledge may also be obtained through understanding statements in an inductive reasoning approach. For example, one may gain knowledge by first appreciating the fact that a financial statement has to convey the truth about a company. Therefore, one has to develop a belief regarding the truth conveyed in such a financial statement, and then look for some good facts as evidence to prove the belief is true. However, it must be recalled that truth has to remain as truth despite one knowing it or not, and is not influenced with such inductive reasoning. Knowledge and truth are thus independent of one another and one requires deeper investigation to determine if such knowledge really leads to reality or truth. Accounting Theories Hendrickson (1970) defines a theory as a set of coherent hypothetical, p ragmatic and conceptual principles that guide in the field of inquiry (as cited in Deegan and Unerman, 2009). The use of the word coherence indicates that all the elements in a theory have to work together in presenting a certain knowledge, or result in accounting. However, Deegan and Unerman (2009) noted that theories

Black And White Marriage Essay Example for Free

Black And White Marriage Essay Barbara Stanton has been my friends for fifteen years. You might say that she is my best friend. We’ve dated and double-dated, but not once did we ever date outside our own race. About a year ago, Barbara came to me announcing that she was getting married to her boyfriend Paul. I hadn’t seen her for a while because we both began to grow in different directions and I’m ashamed to admit that we didn’t even keep in touch to have a deep conversation. Just some hello’s and goodbyes. When she called to tell me she was getting married, once again she omitted something that may have seemed inconsequential to her, but quite significant to her family and friends. She was marrying a black man. Maybe it’s not so crazy, but in the past few years we’ve seen more black and white couples than ever before. Maybe it’s because children of today’s world don’t even see color, or maybe it’s because of the rappers and hip hop entertainers that we somehow have as role models. Who knows? All that is certain is that where at one time this was totally unacceptable, today it is gaining more and more popularity. On a luncheon that we had with a few friends a few weeks before the wedding, the issue of race was brought up. Barbara had all the statistics. She argued that although race has often been contentious in childrens literature, from controversies over Twains Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, to Bannermans Little Black Sambo, to Keatss The Snowy Day, to Herrons Nappy Hair. How race is portrayed and who portrays it have been crucial for many critics. ( Sands-OConnor, Karen Why Are People Different? ) She related to us about some of the history of racism, and we had to admit that it seemed rather ridiculous the way the people of old handled it. In the sixteen hundreds, for example, Maryland banned interracial coupling because it wasn’t sure if the offspring of the black slave and white person would be considered a free person or a piece of property. Barbara knew a lot about black history. She told us that many blacks had white ancestry and who are we, the smug whites, as she called us, to not see this. She let us know in no uncertain terms that there were so many white slave ‘owners’ that took advantage of their female slaves that there was an abundance of mixed children born throughout those years. It is estimated that as many as seventy percent of African Americans are descendants of interracial coupling. These include Booker T. Washington, Malcolm X, Martin Luther King, Jr. and Frederick Douglass. Each one of these mentioned are of black and white ancestry, including her intended. Denise, one of Barbara’s cousins brought up the fact that it just wasn’t common for blacks and whites to marry because of the long-term effects. But Barbara had the numbers right there in front of her. She told us that according to the Census Bureau, the number of mixed-race marriages rose from three hundred thousand in 1970 to one point two million in 1990. Between 1960 and 1990, the percentage of African American marriages involving a white spouse more than tripled. She wasn’t alone. Barbara looked at the six of us. â€Å"Of course we realize that we are of different ethnic backgrounds, but we are in love and intend to be married and really don’t care who objects. That is, of course, except the parents and relatives. Somehow, we always care what family says. But, what is interesting about America and it’s occupants is that even though people define their deliberations of interracial marriage in terms of â€Å"culture,† what really bothers them is race. We laughed as she told us that they didn’t tell the family that there was a difference in ethnic background. They just said, ‘guess who’s coming to dinner? ’ and they walk in the door, totally shocking the pants off all in the room. Her family, of course, pretended to be polite and welcoming until the couple left. Then, Barbara said she could imagine her mother’s hand going to the heart and the drama began. This, of course, is with both families, black and white. Barbara and Paul are sure that all through the courtship there will be innuendos right into the wedding day. Paul, in consoling Barbara as the big day approached, told her that friends of his that married interracially had similar problems. Some families give in and actually convince themselves that this is okay. Others really are okay with it and still others completely betray their own feelings. Their family did consent and did seem pleased. However, Barbara really didn’t want to know if these were feelings for show or not. She admitted that they had to face many decisions before the big day, such as the way they’ve handled difference of opinions thus far and religious upbringing of the children. They needed to voice whether they were willing to compromise on some of these issues and most importantly, how they see the role of husband and wife in this marriage of difference. In my opinion, like all marriages, things can lead to disaster or they can be worked on effortlessly, and Barbara and Paul firmly examined their path well before they made the decision to wed. Traditionally, African-American weddings include vivid colors, elaborate costumes and meaningful rituals. Whereas the white wedding embraces a more toned down dress. White bridal gown and pastels usually are chosen for the bride and the maids. The men are usually in black or white tuxedos depending on the time of day the wedding takes place, whereas the black groom sometime chooses a costume designed to the custom of his people. Ironically, in order to avoid all of this, Barbara has chosen to have a civil ceremony in the chapel at city hall and a small dinner at one of the area’s best restaurants. All decisions regarding custom have therefore been eliminated. The night before the wedding, they had a talk with both parents. The question of the future was brought up and the constant changes the human life goes through. They ask the couple how they are going to feel ten to twenty years down the road about this relationship and the offspring of this relationship. They do understand that everyone changes their ideas and opinions and although today they agree on most things, life is funny when it wants to throw bones. If a couple of the same race marries, when each one goes through changes, it is not going to be related to race. This is a big deal. There will be racial slurs on both sides of the family and friends sharing opinions. They will eventually have to deal with school and the black and white mom and dad. The family that evening pointed out that as sad as it is, the child will always be looked upon as ‘different’ because of his or her genetics. However, this was something Barbara and Paul did not agree on. They pointed out that in today’s world, unlike when their parents were growing up, the rivalry between races isn’t as potent. They agreed that some whites looked upon themselves as superior to blacks and in reality there would always be some type of racial issue as long as we have a democracy. It’s just different opinions. These things have a way of working themselves out and as for their children, they will know as soon as they recognize the difference in mom and dad that they are mixed. Growing up with it is certainly not the same as finding out spontaneously when their older. Since that’s impossible, the race issue may be resolved with the age of reason. The next morning, the wedding went off as scheduled. The whites in the chapel at city hall were noticing the difference in the people across the isle and the blacks were noticing the same things. But, they smiled at one another in a friendly gesture of approval. But, Barbara and her new husband knew that you couldn’t take the hand-me-down prejudices out of the older people in the chapel and they knew that there would be difficulties and differences from the get-go. However, they felt this would be a long lasting relationship and they were not willing to give up their future for the likes of racial interference. At the words, ‘I now pronounce you man and wife’, the whole family changed. Now there is a white girl in our family†¦. says one. Now there is a black man in our family†¦. says the other. Life has changed for them all. It’s been five years and the marriage is still going strong. I visited them and their twin boys, two years old who have brought the whole family together and they are loved to pieces by both sides. The children are mixed, but they have the blue eyes of the mother and the full lips of the father. Their color is the color of coffee with milk in it and their hair is a mixture of straight and curly. Perfect. They happen to be absolutely the most beautiful children imaginable. And they know it. There is so much love in that family that no one would guess there is a racial difference. Now, the families admit that they still see color, but only on the outside of the family. They see no color within. As far as the parents go, both couples realized they have a fondness for poker, hence the Thursday night poker club. In conclusion, we see that today, there are few communities with any claim to being racially pure; in modern society there has been a considerable amount of intermarriages which has blurred any such distinctions even further. (Pinsent, Pat: Race and Ethnic Identity pg. 91) So, are we going to get caught with our pants down if we don’t start building our country with the knowledge that all men are indeed created equal? No one actually takes a look-see inside the obviously different race to find out that we are not so different after all. Our wishes and hopes are exactly the same. Our love for our children is bountiful on both sides and our country is important to us all. How than, for a matter of a color, can we be so negative toward one another? I believe it is simply a fact collector. Get the facts on the person. Compare those facts with your own and voila’ we’re all God’s creatures. Barbara and Paul taught us all a lesson. The readers of this essay may have racial differences as well. If so, maybe we should stop and smell the roses and if not†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦how did they smell? CITATIONS BOOKS Sands-OConnor, Karen Why Are People Different? † Pinsent, Pat: Race and Ethnic Identity pg. 91

Issues In Sport And Touch Football Sociology Essay

Issues In Sport And Touch Football Sociology Essay This research explores the way gender is perceived and constructed within the examined roles of touch football referees, with the aim of investigating gender equity relative to the participation and experience of female referees in touch football. The key questions of this thesis emanate from concerns around the equitable distribution of officiating sports roles. This concern also extends to individuals who may want to shift from participating in sporting activities just as participants to officiating in sports. Officiating and volunteering roles in sport have typically been highly gendered, with females over-represented in lower status roles. Females have tended to dominate the non-paid volunteer positions in sporting operations, while males are typically over-represented in leadership roles. This inequity has been strongly rallied against by researchers who have adopted a gender focus in their research. This thesis contends that the sporting practice of touch football, whilst considered by many to be a sporting practice that is reflective of current societal norms and values, could benefit from a gendered analysis. In order to operationalise the research, a case study approach was adopted which examined the role of female referees officiating in a locally-based senior mixed touch football competition. The role of referees in the local touch football competition presents a number of unique factors which are highly beneficial to this study. Refereeing in the competition is open to both males and females in the mixed competition. The selection of referees is through an administrative process that involves a number of relevant processes that draw on broader gender equity issues such as credentialism and professionalism, as well as simple gender bias. Theoretically the research approach has drawn on elements of the work of Norbert Elias, in particular the concept of figurationalism, and also the post-structuralist approach from Actor Network Theory [ANT]. The methodologies and analysis explore the site of touch football in a small rural setting through engaging with the touch football participants experiences of playing and officiating in the role of referee in the competition. The research is significant for several reasons and at different levels. First, Australian Government policies such as the Active Women: National Policy for Women and Girls in Sport, Recreation and Physical Activity, 1999-2002 (1999a), and How to include Women and Girls in Sport, Recreation and Physical Activity: Strategies and Good Practice (1999b) require Australian sport institutions to foster sporting cultures that allow and value the full involvement of females in every aspect of sport. Second, societal practices that support inequities are persistent and will re-emerge as dominant forms if they are not subjected to critical examination and leadership given for just change. Third, at a game administration level, gender equity is identified as a key strategy to ensure the long-term growth of the sporting practice by ensuring equal opportunities in all aspects of the game. Fourth, at a game and individual level, the inclusion of an appropriate gender mix will help to neutralise unwanted masculine traits of overt aggression and sexist behaviour from the sport. Female participation in the referee role that is reflective of the female player cohort will arguably help to shape the sporting practice to reflect the shared values of a mixed competition, focusing on the positive social and physical benefits of the game. Last, the research area is of keen interest to the researcher and is an area of inquiry where there is prior knowledge of the location of roles within the sporting practice, and a capacity and ease for the researcher to engage with those involved at the local level. 1.2 Research hypothesis This thesis seeks to explore whether a gendered approach to examining a local touch football competition will assist in improving the outcomes of both males and females in relation to officiating within the sport. Therefore, this thesis is concerned with the equitable representation of female referees in the local mixed touch football competition. Individuals understandings of gender differences within the role of referee and applicable strategies to address gender equity will frame the thesis. This thesis is best read as a preliminary analysis of gender equity in refereeing within the sporting practice of touch football. The research is approved by the CQUniversity Human Research Ethics Committee [H12/02-019], Queensland Touch Association and Central Queensland Touch Association. 1.3 Research background 1.3.1 Key concerns in sport Sport has historically attracted considerable attention from social theorists and commentators, with approaches ranging from macro and meta-analysis of sporting behaviours and outcomes to micro approaches that examine the everyday and mundane elements of sport. This thesis adopts a gendered, post-structuralist approach to exploring the key issue of gender equity in the roles of officiating in sport. In the next section, a background will be given of the key concerns that helped shape the research process and an introduction to touch football will assist the uninitiated to the sporting practice. An elementary understanding of the sporting practice, together with a familiarity with the general history and values embedded in the sporting practice will assist in a reading of the research. 1.3.1.1 Gender in sport The research adopts a gendered approach as gender is seen as an important social construct. The construct of gender can be used to uncover and understand better sporting practices, offering an opportunity to improve the individual and collective outcomes that are associated with particular sports. The sociology of gender has developed in line with successive waves of the feminists movement and creates an intellectual endeavour in its own right (Weedon 1997). This thesis uses a working definition of gender as a system of social practices as a means to interrogate the social arrangements of touch football (Ridgeway and Smith-Lovin 1999, p. 192). The gendered social practices establish and maintain gender distinctions, differences and inequalities. Relationships between actors are organised to some extent on those distinctions, differences and inequalities. Gender represents those social, cultural and psychological traits linked to males and females through particular social contexts an d translations. Debate remains on all elements that comprise feminist theory, but basically, the consensus is that a theory is feminist if it can be used to contest a status quo that is damaging to females (Chafetz 1988; Hall 1996). Feminists work through various avenues to increase females empowerment. Feminists accept the goal of ending sexism by empowering females (Weedon 1997), though there is a great deal of disparity about how that goal can be achieved. One interpretation is that there are numerous femininities and masculinities which are more multiple than singular or bi-polar expressions of gender. Miller (2009, p. 127) contends masculinity [and femininity] is best viewed not as a property or an essence, but as a series of contingent signs and practices that exercise power over both males and females, and to know it is to shift it, not just to love it. The processes and relationships through which males and females conduct their gendered lives should be the focus of researchers (Connell 2005). Males and females cannot be defined as being a certain gender, as their gender is a fluid aspect of their identity that is not constrained to one of a finite number of gender categories. However, outcomes for males and females differ, which subsequently introduces a challenging tension with conceptualisations of gender as subjectively fluid and yet objectively presenting as correlated to differing outcomes. The demand to formulate opportunities for females to successfully compete in sport then becomes both complex and highly disputed (Hall 1996; Hargreaves 1994). This is illustrated in debates over separatist sporting activities as opposed to mixed competitions, or with regards to the imbalance in media representations of females sport compared to males sport. As a clear reminder of the relevancy of gender equity in sport, the World Economic Forums Global Gender Gap Index shows that Australia is ranked twenty-third out of one hundred and thirty-five nations on a series of gender-based disparities, with a considerable decline in the relative progress (Hausmann, Tyson, Bekhouche and Zahidi 2011). 1.4 Research approach why studying touch football is important The research involves a case study of a locally-based senior mixed touch football competition. The next section provides a contextualisation for the research by describing key elements of touch football. A brief history of the game of touch football in Australia is also presented. 1.4.1 Key elements of touch football 1.4.1.1 Getting to the field of play  [1]   1.4.1.1.1 The playing field and the ball Touch football, also known as touch rugby or touch, is typically played on a rectangular field, and measures seventy metres in length from score line to score line  [2]  and fifty metres in width (Touch Football Australia 2007). The playing surface is normally grass however, other surfaces may be used. The game is played with an oval, inflated ball slightly smaller than rugby league and rugby union balls. The official ball size is thirty-six centimetres long and fifty-five centimetres in circumference (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.1.2 Mode of play The aim of the game of touch football is for each team to score touchdowns  [3]  and to prevent the opposition from scoring (Touch Football Australia 2007). The ball may be passed, flicked, knocked, handed or thrown [but not kicked] sideways or backwards between teammates who can run or else move with the ball in an attempt to gain territorial advantage and score (Touch Football Australia 2007). Defending players prevent the attacking team  [4]  from gaining a territorial advantage by touching  [5]  the ball carrier or attacking players may initiate touches at which point, play stops and is restarted with a roll ball  [6]  (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.1.3 Possession Unless other rules apply, the team with the ball is entitled to six touches prior to changing possession with the opposing team (Touch Football Australia 2007). Following the sixth touch or the loss of possession due to any other means, players of the team losing possession are to hand or pass the ball to the nearest opposition player, or place the ball on the ground at the mark  [7]  without delay (Touch Football Australia 2007). Attacking players who ask for the ball are to be handed the ball. Players are not to delay the changeover procedure. 1.4.1.1.4 Defending From the tap  [8]  for the start of the game or from a penalty, the defending team must be at least ten metres from the point of the tap (Touch Football Australia 2007). After making a touch, the defending team must retreat the distance the referee marks, at least five metres from the mark where the touch occurred, and remain there until the half  [9]  touches the ball (Touch Football Australia 2007). If a player does not retreat the entire distance the referee marked, they are considered offside. If a player makes an attempt to defend whilst inside this distance, they will be penalised. 1.4.1.1.5 Scoring A touchdown is awarded when a player [without being touched and other than the half] places the ball on the ground on or over the teams attacking score line and within the boundaries of the touchdown zone  [10]  (Touch Football Australia 2007). A touchdown is worth 1 point. The team who at the end of play has scored the most touchdowns is declared the winner. In the event of neither team scoring, or in the event of both teams scoring the same number of touchdowns, a draw is declared. 1.4.1.1.6 The half The half [or acting half] is subject to a number of restrictions that do not apply to other players. If the half is touched with the ball, the attacking team loses possession. The half cannot score a touchdown since trying to do so results in a change of possession. If the half takes too long to retrieve the ball, the referee can call play on and defenders are allowed to move forward before the half has touched the ball. 1.4.1.1.7 Commencement/recommencement of play Play is started by a tap at the beginning of each half, following a touchdown and when a penalty is awarded. The tap is performed by an attacking player placing the ball on the ground at or behind the mark  [11]  , releasing both hands from the ball, touching the ball with either foot a distance of not more than one metre and retrieving the ball cleanly (Touch Football Australia 2007). The defensive team must stay at a minimum distance of ten metres from the mark during the tap, unless they are positioned on their own score line. The defensive players can move after the ball carrier has touched the ball with their foot. The player who has performed the tap may be touched without losing possession. The attacking side must be positioned behind the ball when it is tapped. The attacking side may move the ball up to ten metres directly behind the given mark when taking a penalty tap. In this case, the defending side must still remain ten metres from the original mark, not the new mark . 1.4.1.1.8 Player attire All participating players are to be correctly attired in team uniforms. Uniforms typically consist of upper apparel [t-shirts or polo shirts], shorts [or briefs for female players] and socks with footwear (Touch Football Australia 2007). Shoes with screw-in studs are not to be worn by any player. Light leather or synthetic boots with soft-moulded soles are permitted, as long as individual studs are no longer than thirteen millimetres (Touch Football Australia 2007). All players are to wear an identifying number clearly displayed on the front or rear of the upper garment (Touch Football Australia 2007). Players are not to participate in any match while wearing any item of jewellery. Long or sharp fingernails are to be trimmed or taped. 1.4.1.2 Administration of touch football 1.4.1.2.1 The referee, line judges and touchdown zone officials, and the importance of the whistle Touch football must have at least one referee to officiate the game but most major games encompass one central referee and two sideline referees, who interchange roles constantly throughout the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). The central referee is the sole judge on matters of fact and is required to arbitrate on the rules of the game during play (Touch Football Australia 2007). The central referee may impose any sanction necessary to control the match and in particular, award penalties for infringements against the rules (Touch Football Australia 2007). Line judges and touchdown zone officials assist the central referee with tasks associated with sidelines, score lines and touchdown zone lines, and other matters at the discretion of the central referee. Their normal duties include indicating the ten metres distance for taps from a penalty, controlling substitutions, matters of backplay and other advice when sought by the central referee (Touch Football Australia 2007). The central referee must have a whistle to control the game. The start of play and a touchdown are signalled by long whistle blasts. A sixth touch, short whistle blast and the end of play, a long, fluctuating whistle blast (Touch Football Australia 2007). The standard whistle in Australia is the Acme Thunderer fifty-eight point five. 1.4.1.3 Rules of the game 1.4.1.3.1 Team composition and substitution A team consists of fourteen players, no more than six of who are allowed on the field at any time (Touch Football Australia 2007). In mixed competitions, the maximum number of males allowed on the field of play is three (Touch Football Australia 2007). The minimum male requirement on the field of play is one (Touch Football Australia 2007). Players may substitute at any time during the game in keeping with the interchange procedure (Touch Football Australia 2007, p. 10). There is no limit to the number of times a player may interchange, but substitutions can only be made from players who are registered at the commencement of the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.3.2 Duration The match is forty-five minutes duration, entailing two twenty minute halves. There is a five minute half time break. When time expires play is to continue until the ball next becomes dead  [12]  (Touch Football Australia 2007). Should a penalty be awarded during this period, the penalty is to be taken. 1.4.1.3.3 Competition points Points are awarded in competition matches throughout the season. Teams are awarded three points for a win or a bye, two points for a draw and one point for a loss or a forfeit (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.3.4 Penalty A penalty is to be awarded for an infringement by any player in line with the rules of the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). For example, a penalty is awarded to the non-offending team if the ball is passed forward, a touch and pass is committed, a player does not perform the roll ball at the mark, an obstruction is committed, a defending player does not retreat in a straight line to an onside position, a player is offside [on-field player or substitute], and a player acts in contradiction of the rules or spirit of the game (Touch Football Australia 2007). 1.4.1.3.5 Positions Teams are split into three positions, two middles [the central players], two wings [the players on either edge of the field] and two links [the players between the wings and middles]. 1.4.1.3.6 Grades Touch football is normally played in four different ability categories ranging from A grade [the most competitive] through B, C and D grade [the most inexperienced and usually the least competitive]. 1.4.2 The history of touch football in Australia  [13]   Touch football has evolved over time and is now considered to be a relatively fast-paced game. Changes in the structure of the sport have enabled the development of touch football to proceed. 1.4.2.1 From humble beginnings The game of touch football has humble beginnings. Historically applied as a training model for rugby league and rugby union teams over the summer months of the 1950s and 1960s, it was originally not seen as a sport in its own right (Touch Football South Australia n.d.). Progressively more people, explicitly males over twenty-five years of age  [14]  , were recruited to touch football teams and formal competitions were established (Touch Football Western Australia 2007; Townsville Castle Hill Touch Association n.d.). The popularity of touch football was credited to the game being considered relatively safe compared to rugby league and rugby union (Touch Football Victoria 2009). Touch football was also considered to be a social activity affording the prospect for participants and supporters to gather in a relaxed sport setting. The first formal game of touch football in Australia was reportedly held in South Sydney, a strong traditional rugby league area (Touch Football Western Australia 2007). The South Sydney Touch Association was formed in 1968 and convened a competition at Pioneer Park, Malabar in that year (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Not long after, the sport gained popularity in a number of inner-city areas of Sydney. Consequently, the New South Wales Touch Association was formed in 1972, incorporating the six regions of Southern Suns, Sydney Scorpions, Sydney Rebels, Sydney Mets, Hunter Western Hornets and Northern Eagles, and about 1,500 registered players (Shilbury and Kellett 2006; Touch Football South Australia n.d.). The first country association was in Wagga Wagga, which was formed in 1973, and womens touch football was first played at a representative level in 1979 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Touch football appealed to ex-rugby players retired from the game through age or injury, and to players not willing or capable of playing rugby, but interested in playing a form of rugby (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). An increased awareness in fitness in the adult population and the availability of former rugby players to take part, all served to develop the game (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). 1.4.2.2 The development of a touch football identity Subsequently, touch football later appeared in numerous other New South Wales country regions before it became an official sport in Brisbane (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). From there the game developed in every other State and Territory in Australia, and the Australian Touch Association, now trading as Touch Football Australia, was founded in November 1978 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). With the establishment of these associations, game rules came to be standardised. However, a formal rule book was not developed until late in 1980 (Touch Football Victoria 2009). In September 1981, the sport agreed to change its name from touch football to touch  [15]  , though to many the sport has also been known as touch rugby (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2007). A number of other changes resulted, such as the introduction of an official touch ball, which is notably smaller than both league and union balls, and the playing field size lessened, seventy metres by fifty metres (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Major rule changes occurred during this period, moving from seven players per side, which was implemented in 1980, to six-a-side (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2007; Touch Football Victoria 2009). Shortly after, the marker  [16]  was removed from the roll ball and the half was prevented from being able to s core a touchdown (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2007). Recently, the Australian Touch Association has rebranded the sport as touch football in an attempt to clarify that it is a sport with a ball (Touch Football South Australia n.d.). While tackles and scrums are not elements of touch football, Touch Football Victoria (2009) suggested employing the term touch rugby lends itself to an impression that the sport may be of a rough, physical nature, which is anything but reality. Touch football was originally played under rugby league laws without activities that comprised hard physical contact (Coffey 2010). The simplicity, skills-based motion and avoidance of full-contact, together with team [social and communication] benefits and minimum equipment requirements, have become distinctive elements of the modern game. 1.4.2.3 Elite competition emerges While the majority of touch football games are played at a local competition level, State level competitions have featured prominently in touch football. The earliest interstate clashes in touch football occurred when the Brisbane Touch Association representative team played the South Sydney team in 1973, 1974 and 1975 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). In the development of a standard set of rules for the sport, there has been a history of negotiated arrangements. For example, South Sydney wanted to have interstate matches played ten-a-side but Brisbane would not allow this, and the matches were played eight-a-side on a standard-sized rugby league field, measuring one hundred and twelve to one hundred and twenty-two metres by sixty-eight metres (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). One of the games in the series was played as a curtain raiser to an interstate rugby league clash (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Tou ch Football Victoria 2009). Touch football was played as a curtain raiser to the Sydney rugby league grand final in 1976 (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Victoria 2009). In December 1980, the inaugural National Championships were organised on the Gold Coast. This was essentially a contest between New South Wales and Queensland (Touch Football South Australia n.d.). Only three divisions were contested in that year, the open mens and womens, and over thirty-five mens, and included about 700-1,000 officials and players (Touch Football South Australia n.d.; Touch Football Western Australia 2007). By 1995, the National Championships provided for eleven divisions, together with 1,500 officials and players (Touch Football Victoria 2009). Development of the game meant that by 2005 the National Touch League [formerly the National Championships] catered for open, under twenties and senior divisions (Touch Football Western Australia 2007). 1.4.2.4 The rise of Internationalism  [17]   The success of the interstate clashes sparked interest in International competitions. In 1985, the Federation of International Touch was formed in Melbourne with Papua New Guinea, Canada, the USA, Fiji, New Zealand and Australia constituting the first members (Touch Football Victoria 2009). The first recognised International game was a test series played between Australia and New Zealand at the South Melbourne Cricket Ground on 23 March 1985 (Touch Football Victoria 2009). The game has continued to expand overseas with the last World Cup in Edinburgh, Scotland attracting teams from twenty-six countries, including Spain, South Africa, Japan, USA, Scotland, Singapore and the Cook Islands among others (Federation of International Touch 2011a; 2011b). Touch football was a National phenomenon based on participant skill and teamwork, with a degree of fitness thrown in at the elite level (Coffey 2010). The non-contact format that allows participation by all ages and both genders, even in mixed form has helped the sport to gain popularity. 1.5 Referee demand in touch football As mentioned earlier, the development of touch football and an associated playing code for the game has clearly established the role of officials as arbiters of the game. While there is clarity over the need for officials in the touch football competition and a playing code is well established, there is a level of ambiguity in the sporting practice which allows for negotiated changes to the playing environment and to particular interpretations of the rules of play. As is common in most sports, the performance of referees is a discussion point that can cause some levels of concern. Officiating in sports can be a difficult task, particularly in a fast-moving sport in which there is a level of interpretation and limited technological assistance at the local level to aid referees. At a sports administration level, the demand for referees at local sporting fixtures has frequently been mentioned over the past ten years (Touch Football Australian Capital Territory 2009; Touch Football Austr alia 2010b; Touch Football Victoria 2011). The unmet demand has led to the establishment of numerous broad recruitment and retention strategies. The success of these strategies varies within different levels of the sport. This thesis contends that touch football represents more than simply a new game and is in fact, an opportunity to better understand the gendered nature of sporting activities. The thesis sets about this issue through a case study of a locally-based senior mixed touch football competition. The aim is to gain a better understanding of the gendered nature of refereeing roles through personal interviews with participants, together with female referees in the competition. This gendered understanding will arguably facilitate better recruitment and retention strategies for female referees in touch football. 1.6 Structure of the thesis This thesis will explore perceptions and constructions of gender within the roles of touch football referees and suggest ideas for recruitment and retention. Chapter Two examines relevant theoretical concerns proceeding from the work of Norbert Elias and the post-structuralist works of Bruno Latour. It then reviews the literature regarding gender in sport. Chapter Three discusses the research approach that was utilised. It then describes the methods that have been chosen to explore the gendered nature of refereeing roles in touch football and the data analysis methods. It concludes by discussing ethical considerations in the research process and the limitations of the research. Chapter Four describes the findings from the research. The desktop research results are presented first. These results are presented in a quantitative format that empirically describes the gender breakdown of the sport. Second, the qualitative data that was obtained from the in-depth interviews with the eleven members of the touch organisation is presented. This data was compiled after the initial quantitative research was completed in the research process. Participant observation results are presented third. Chapter Five discusses the findings that resulted from the research. The significance of the findings is then discussed. Chapter Six, the conclusion, suggests directions for future research. CHAPTER TWO: Literature Review 2.1 Introduction In Chapter One the preliminary argument is proposed that touch football is a unique sporting practice entailing a continuum of social practices and values that are in many ways gendered. This chapter will broaden this discussion through an exploration of the sociological literature

The Conflict in The Eumenides of The Oresteia Essay -- Aeschylus Orest

The Conflict in The Eumenides of The Oresteia  Ã‚   In The Eumenides, the third book of The Oresteia, there exists a strong rivalry between the Furies and the god Apollo; from the moment of their first confrontation in Apollo’s temple at Delphi, it is clear that the god and the spirits are opposing forces. Their actions bring them into direct conflict, and both of them are stubbornly set on achieving their respective goals while at the same time interfering with or preventing the actions of the other. There is also considerable personal animosity between Apollo and the Furies, especially from the former toward the latter. Because of the differences between the respective ideals they stand for, their personal conflict is as intense as that brought about by their actions. The nature of the rivalry is ironic because they possess ideals that are very similar in some respects; both seek to establish order and justice in the world (although they have separate and very different conceptions of order and justice), and, therefore, they are striving for the same goals, yet neither realizes this truth.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Apollo and the Furies despise each other because their actions and even their very natures are diametrically opposed. In this play, Aeschylus depicts Apollo as a noble and virtuous figure, based on two traits for which the god is well known: an interest in peace and justice, and a tendency to passionately defend from harm individuals or groups of people who worship him. It is worth noting that The Eumenides is not the only incidence of Apollo protecting someone from the Furies; there exists a remarkably similar Greek legend in which Apollo commands a character named Alcmaeon to kill his mother (Grant 139), who had arranged for her ... ...ries. Each is determined to achieve his/their goal while blocking the actions of the other. Their respective natures, in addition to their actions, also breed a strong mutual contempt between them. The play depicts Apollo as a seeker of peace and justice, and more importantly, as a defender of the weak, while the Furies are seemingly his antithesis--primitive creatures which incite murder and foment chaos within the Atreus family. However, the god and the spirits are also similar in that they wish to establish order in the world by ensuring justice for the mortals they patronize although their conceptions of justice and order are quite different, and this leads to the irony that they work to defeat each other without ever recognizing that there is a common bond between them. Works Cited: Aeschylus. Oresteia. Trans. Peter Meineck. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1998.

Great Expectations: Injustices And Poor Conditions Committed On Women :: Great Expectations Essays

Great Expectations: Injustices and Poor Conditions Committed On Women and Children Great Expectations, authored by Victorian novelist Charles Dickens, is considered one of his finest works of literature. It was indicative of Dickens's strong feelings for injustices and poor conditions committed on women and children of that time. Through the main character, Pip, Dickens's demonstrated the compassion he felt for children. Most readers, like myself, are able to associate Pip's experiences with their own. Pip endeavored upon many things that I can see myself doing. From the beginning of the novel Pip had felt an impending feeling of guilt. It is a common theme in Great Expectations and is one that I have felt numerous times before. In one instance, my friends and I were at a party playing with a water balloon launcher shooting balloons down the street. My neighbors had just put in a new set of porch windows that were quite expensive. With a slight aiming misalignment we broke a window and had to confess to my neighbor and give her our apologies. Pip, however, had the guilt weighed on his conscience forever-he did not have the courage to tell Mrs. Joe that he had taken a pork pie that was for Christmas dinner. Mrs. Joe only made it harder for Pip when she asked, "And were the deuce ha' you been?" (page 20). Pip had to make a moral judgment about whether or not to tell the truth about what he did and is challenged with many more of these decisions throughout the book. Pip was later introduced to Estella, Ms. Havisham's adopted daughter, whom was taught to pursue retribution on all of the male population for her "mother". Pip became easily infatuated with Estella's good looks, money, and attitude. Estella considered Pip to be common and pointed out the ways when she said, "He calls the knaves, jacks, this boy! And what coarse hands he has! And what thick boots!" (page 55). Pip once again has the feeling of guilt, this time for just being a common laborer and the humility of his background. I have felt intimidated just as Pip was. It is extremely uncomfortable to be around someone who arrogantly shows that they are of a "higher class" than you. In my own experience some adults speak condescendingly to teenagers and it causes me to feel like less of a person just like Pip did. Pip has also felt extreme amounts of stress throughout the novel. Everyone is always encouraging him to satisfy his "great expectations". I have been pressured in a comparable way in early schooling when I was accepted to the

United Kingdom of Britain and Northern Ireland

Great Britain is made up of three countries, England, Scotland and Wales. It is an island off the coast of north–west of Europe. Britain is part of the United Kingdom of Britain and Northern Ireland. The capital is London. There are many different landscapes in Britain, from high mountains to rolling hill sand valleys. Places like Wales, the Lake District and northwest Scotland have high mountains and steep slopes made out of solid rocks. This landscape was made millions of years ago during the ice ages, when moving glaciers of ice made deep valleys, steep mountain slopes and long lakes. The southern and eastern parts of Britain are made up of smaller rocks that have weathered and become fertile farmland. The highest point is Ben Nevis – 1343 metres above sea level and the lowest point is Holme Fen – 3 metres below sea level. The population is 57,970,200 people, the population density at 239 people per square km. 92% of British people live in urban areas while only 8% live in rural areas. Great Britain is completely surrounded by sea, isolating it from the rest of Europe. No part of Britain is far from the sea, which is an important resource for fishing, tourism and ports. Britain†s rivers provide drinking water for towns, and irrigate farmers† crops. However rivers can cause floods. The northern and western portions are mountainous. The highlands – the Pennine Chain, forms the backbone of northern England. Rolling plains occupy most of central and eastern England. The western part of the central region is known as the Midlands. To the east lies The Fens, a marsh area. To the south, an elevated plateau slopes upward. The terrain of Scotland is mountainous but is divided into three regions, from north to south: the Highlands, the Central Lowlands, and the Southern Uplands. The Highlands occupy more than a half of Scotland, the most rugged region on the island of Great Britain. Wales has an irregular coastline and many bays; the biggest is Cardigan Bay. Except for narrow and low coastal areas, mainly in the south and west, Wales is mostly mountainous. Great Britain has quite cool summers and mild winters. The weather changes from day to day. The climate is temperate – the country does not have long periods when it is hot or cold. Western parts of Britain receive more rain and snow during the year than south and east. This is because southwesterly winds bring water from the Atlantic Ocean to the west, which falls as rain where it meets the mountains on land. There are large amounts of water in this area and a shortage in the south and the east. Britain†s climate is getting warmer. Average temperatures have risen 0.5 °c since 1850. This is enough to start the polar ice caps melting. If the ice caps continue to melt, large areas of southern and eastern England will be permanently flooded. The mean annual temperature ranges between 11.1 °c in the south and 8.9 °c in the northeast. Fogs, mists, and overcast skies are frequent, particularly in the inland regions. Like the climate of the rest of Great Britain, Scotland is influenced by the surrounding seas. As a result, extreme changes are rare and temperate winters and cool summers are the major climate features. Low temperatures are common in the winter season. Precipitation ranges from about 3810mm annually in the western Highlands to about 635mm annually in eastern areas. The climate of Wales, is a lot like England†s, it is mild and moist. Annual rainfall changes with elevation, ranging from about 762 mm in coastal regions to more than 2540 mm in the Snowdon massif. As a result of the relative warmth of the nearby seas, England has a moderate climate. Precipitation is heaviest during October, it averages about 760 mm annually in most of England. England has some agricultural and mineral resources but must rely on imports of both. Approximately two-fifths of the land area is arable, and the richest soils are found in the east. The soil is generally rocky and infertile, except for that of the Central Lowlands. Much of the soil of Wales is of infertile rocky or leached types. The most fertile soils are in the southeast and in a few coastal areas. Only about 8.5% of Britain land is forested, and half of this was planted forty years ago. Britain†s natural forest cover has been cut down over hundreds of years, especially in the 18th and 19th century. The most common species of trees indigenous to Scotland are oak and conifers mainly fir, pine, and larch. Large forested areas are rare, and woodlands are in the southern and eastern Highlands. Vegetation in the elevated regions consists largely of heather, ferns, mosses, and grasses. Practically all of the cultivated plants of Scotland were imported from America and Europe. More than 3/4 of the land is used for agriculture; farming and grazing occupy the same amount of land. The most important crops are wheat, oats, and potatoes. Other crops include barley, turnips, and fruit. Wales has ferns and mosses in low-lying, wet areas. Grasslands are mainly at higher elevations. Crops include barley, oats, potatoes, and hay. Less than 10% of the land is under cultivation, and about 40% are in grazing land. Forests cover only about 4% of the land, but government reforestation programs are increasing in the area. England used to be heavily forested, mainly oak and beech in the lowlands and pine and birch in the mountains. Woodlands now make-up less than 4% of the total land area. Many types of fruit trees grow in England, including the cherry, apple, and plum trees. Gorse is a common shrub. Many varieties of wildflowers also grow here. During the eighteenth century, Britain gained an empire by colonising parts of North America, Africa and Asia. By the nineteenth century, England was bringing back much wealth from these colonies. The trade in slaves and other goods from the colonies supplied the money to build the factories and the machines of Britain†s Industrial Revolution. The country developed heavy industries like coal mining, iron and steel manufacturing, engineering and shipbuilding. However in the twentieth century other countries revolutionised and began to compete with Britain in the overseas markets – so British exports declined. From the 1950†³s on, many former Britain colonies in Africa and Asia became independent and made their own industries, this affecting Britain†s imports and exports. All over Britain factories, mills etc closed. By the 1990†³s the worst of the decline had finished and Britain began to concentrate on new hi-tech and service industries. In the last 25 years, microelectronics has become one of the fastest growing sectors of Britain industry. It is a new phase of industrial growth which scientists call re-industrialisation. The future for Britain as a manufacturing nation looks good and it depends on whether it can develop and specialise in hi-tech industries such as aerospace, computers, electronics, telecommunications and biotechnology. The private car is the most popular form of transport for most British people. The British rail company is becoming more modernised – with new high-speed rail services. Air transport in Britain is also important and very popular. The British industry is now more efficient and competitive in the world markets because of the government†s actions of new industrial growth in depressed areas and growth of service industries – in financial, shopping and transport. Telecommunications are administered by British Telecom. 29.5 million telephones were in use in the mid-1980s, giving Britain one of the world's largest telecommunications systems. In the 1980s 15 commercial program companies gave the television on a basis; satellite-broadcasting services have also been introduced. Four television channels are broadcasted at the moment and soon a fifth. 50 commercial firms in the main cities run local radio stations. 124 daily and Sunday newspapers and more than 1000 weekly newspapers are published in Great Britain. 15 London newspapers circulate nationwide, and 6 of them have daily circulations of more than 1 million. Britain is a constitutional monarchy – the queen is the head of the state but politics is controlled by their parliament. There are two houses of Parliament – The House of Commons – who are elected by the public and The House of Lords – made up of peers. The main British political parties are Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat. There are also Welsh and Scottish parties who want to be separate from England. The political party system has existed since the 17th century. Several parties win seats in Commons, but Great Britain has worked as a two-party system for more than a century. The majority party forms His or Her Majesty's Government, and the second party is officially known as His or Her Majesty's Own Loyal Opposition. The opposition leader is paid a salary from public funds for that role. Britain has a long history as a great political and powerful country. Britain is trying to rebuild its economy by regaining its political importance. Great Britain is primarily an industrial and commercial nation. It has major industries like transportation, communications, steel, petroleum, coal, gas and electricity. It is a world leader in international trade, it imports foodstuffs and materialism, and exports finished and manufactured goods. Gross Domestic Product – $1,018,000,000,000 (US) Gross Domestic Product per capita – $17,690 (US) Money – pound sterling. One pound = 100 pence. Chief Economic Products – agriculture, fishing, mining, manufacturing. Employment Breakdown – 58% Trades and Services 2% Agriculture, Forestry, Fishing Education is very important to everyone in Britain. All children have to go to school once they turn five, and must attend till they turn sixteen. Two education systems exist – one is free and funded by the government and the other is private where parents pay school fees for children†s education. Students can continue their education at colleges at higher levels or universities – there are 46 universities. The government is trying to encourage more students to go into higher education. Religion – The Church of England has the most members, 54%, in Great Britain. Most members, however, live in England. The second biggest religion, is the Roman Catholic Church (13%). Catholics are spread throughout the country. Other religions include Protestantism (which includes the religions of Wales and Scotland), Islam, Judaism, Hinduism, and Sikhism. Health – General physicians in Great Britain are part of the National Health Service, although some also have private patients. The service provides full, free medical care to all people. Family Life – Most British people live in houses and 15% live in flats. In the last five years many people have been moving out of towns and cities to live in the countryside because of the urban problems like crime, traffic and air pollution.

Social Facts

A. Social Facts Durkheim defined social facts as things external to, and coercive of, the actor. These are created from collective forces and do not emanate from the individual (Hadden, p. 104). While they may not seem to be observable, social facts are things, and â€Å"are to be studied empirically, not philosophically† (Ritzer, p. 78). They cannot be deduced from pure reason or thought, but require a study of history and society in order to observe their effects and understand the nature of these social facts. In The Rules of Sociological Method, Durkheim begins by noting features such as the following (quote 3): Social Facts.When I fulfil my obligations as brother, husband, or citizen, when I execute my contracts, I perform duties which are defined, externally to myself and my acts, in law and in custom. Even if they conform to my own sentiments and I feel their reality subjectively, such reality is still objective, for I did not create them; I merely inherited them throug h my education. (Rules, p. 1). As examples of social facts, Durkheim cites religious beliefs, currency used to undertake transactions, and factors such as â€Å"the practices followed in my profession† (Rules, p. 2).These types of conduct or thought are not only external to the individual but are, moreover, endowed with coercive power, by virtue of which they impose themselves upon him, independent of his individual will. (Rules, p. 2). While obligations, values, attitudes, and beliefs may appear to be individual, Durkheim argues that these social facts exist at the level of society as a whole, arising from social relationships and human association. They exist as a result of social interactions and historical developments over long periods of time, and come from â€Å"varying collective representations and diverse forms of social organization† (Hadden, p. 04). As individuals who are born and raised in a society, these social facts are learned (through socialization) a nd generally accepted, but the individual has nothing to do with establishing these. While society is composed of individuals, society is not just the sum of individuals, and these facts exist at the level of society, not at the individual level. As such, these social facts do exist, they are the social reality of society, a reality that constitutes the proper study of sociology (Cuff et al. , p. 33). The study of social facts is the â€Å"distinct object or subject matter of sociology† (Hadden, p. 105). Durkheim istinguishes social facts from psychological, biological, or economic facts by noting that these are social and rooted in group sentiments and values. At the same time, he distinguishes the study of social facts from philosophy by noting that the real effects of social facts are â€Å"manifested in external indicators of sentiments such as religious doctrines, laws, moral codes† (Hadden, p. 105) and these effects can be observed and studied by the sociologist. The study of social facts is thus a large part of the study of sociology. In order to do this, the sociologist must â€Å"rid themselves of preconceptions† (Hadden, p. 07) and undertake objective study which can â€Å"focus on objective, external indicators such as religious doctrines or laws† (Hadden, p. 107). Each social fact is real, something that is constraining on the individual and external to the actor. The social fact is not just in the mind of the individual – that is, these facts are more than psychological facts. That these exist in society as a whole, over time, and sometimes across societies, provides some proof of this. At the same time they are in the minds of individuals so they are also mental states.Ritzer notes that social facts can be considered to be mental phenomena that are external to and coercive of psychological facts, such as human instincts. The individual mental state could be considered to intervene between social fact and action (Ritzer, p. 105). Durkheim may not have provided a sufficient analysis of the assumptions underlying, or the characteristics of, these mental states. For Durkheim the study of sociology should be the study of social facts, attempting to find the causes of social facts and the functions of these social facts.Social facts regulate human social action and act as constraints over individual behaviour and action. They may be enforced with law, with clearly defined penalties associated with violation of the sentiments and values of the group. Sanctions may be associated with social facts, for example as in religion, where resistance may result in disapproval from others or from spiritual leaders. Individuals may be unaware of social facts and generally accept them. In this case, individuals may accept the values and codes of society and accept them as their own.Two types of social facts are material and non-material social facts. Material social facts are features of society such as socia l structures and institutions. These could be the system of law, the economy, church and many aspects of religion, the state, and educational institutions and structures. They could also include features such as channels of communication, urban structures, and population distribution. While these are important for understanding the structures and form of interaction in any society, it is nonmaterial social facts that constitute the main subject of study of sociology.Nonmaterial social facts are social facts which do not have a material reality. They consist of features such as norms, values, and systems of morality. Some contemporary examples are the norm of the one to three child family, the positive values associated with family structures, and the negative associations connected to aggression and anger. In Durkheim's terminology, some of these nonmaterial social facts are morality, collective consciousness, and social currents. An example of the latter is Durkheim's analysis of s uicide. Social facts can also be divided into normal and pathological social facts (Hadden, pp. 08-9). Normal social facts are the most widely distributed and useful social facts, assisting in the maintenance of society and social life. Pathological social facts are those that we might associate with social problems and ills of various types. Suicide is one example of this, where social facts ought to be different. For Durkheim, the much greater frequency of the normal is proof of the superiority of the normal. Durkheim later modified the notion of a single collective consciousness, and adopted the view that there were collective representations as part of specific states of substrata of the collective.That is, there may be different norms and values for different groups within society. These collective representations are also social facts because they are in the consciousness of some collective and are not reducible to individual consciousnesses (Ritzer, p. 87). The social structu res, institutions, norms and values that have become part of the study of sociology can be derived from Durkheim's approach, and today there is little difficulty distinguishing sociology from psychology. B. SuicideAfter Durkheim wrote The Rules of Sociological Method, he tackled the subject of suicide as an example of how a sociologist can study a subject that seems extremely personal, with no social aspect to it – even being anti-social. It could be argued that suicide is such a personal act that it involves only personal psychology and purely individual thought processes. Durkheim's aim was not to explain or predict an individual tendency to suicide, but to explain one type of nonmaterial social facts, social currents.Social currents are characteristics of society, but may not have the permanence and stability that some parts of collective consciousness or collective representation have. They may be associated with movements such as â€Å"enthusiasm, indignation, and pity. † (Ritzer, p. 87). Hadden notes that Durkheim wished to show that sociological factors were â€Å"capable of explaining much about such anti-social phenomena† (Hadden, p. 109). In the case of suicide, these social currents are expressed as suicide rates, rates that differ among societies, and among different groups in society.These rates show regularities over time, with changes in the rates often occurring at similar times in different societies. Thus these rates can be said to be social facts (or at least the statistical representation of social facts) in the sense that they are not just personal, but are societal characteristics. This can be seen in the following quote (quote 12): Suicide Rates as Social Facts. At each moment of its history, therefore, each society has a definite aptitude for suicide. The relative intensity of this aptitude is measured by taking the proportion between the total number of voluntary deaths and the population of every age and sex.We wi ll call this numerical datum the rate of mortality through suicide, characteristic of the society under consideration. †¦ The suicide-rate is therefore a factual order, unified and definite, as is shown by both its permanence and its variability. For this permanence would be inexplicable if it were not the result of a group of distinct characteristics, solidary with one another, and simultaneously effective in spite of different attendant circumstances; and this variability proves the concrete and individual quality of these same characteristics, since they vary with the individual character of society itself.In short, these statistical data express the suicidal tendency with which each society is collectively afflicted. †¦ Each society is predisposed to contribute a definite quota of voluntary deaths. This predisposition may therefore be the subject of a special study belonging to sociology. (Suicide, pp. 48, 51). Durkheim takes up the analysis of suicide in a very quanti tative and statistical manner. While he did not have available to him very precise or complete data or sophisticated statistical techniques, his method is exemplary in showing how to test hypotheses, reject incorrect explanations for suicide, sort through a great variety of ossible explanations, and attempt to control for extraneous factors. Some of the factors that others had used to explain suicide were heredity, climate, race, individual psychopathic states (mental illness), and imitation. As an example of Durkheim's method, consider how he analyzes cosmic factors, such as weather or season. Durkheim (Suicide, p. 107) notes that in all countries suicide is greater in the summer months, that no country is an exception to this, and that the proportion of suicides in the six warmer months to the six colder months is very similar in each country.Durkheim notes that this has led some commentators to say the â€Å"heat increases the excitability of the nervous system† (Suicide, p. 108). But suicide may result from depression as much as from over-excitement, and heat cannot possibly act the same way on both causes. Further, a closer analysis by Durkheim considers temperature variations and shows that while suicides increase in number as temperature increases, suicides reach a peak before the temperature does. In addition, if temperature is a cause of suicide, warm countries might be expected to have more suicides than cold countries, but the opposite tends to be the case.A related explanation that Durkheim considers is that great changes in temperature are associated with suicide, but again he finds that there is no correlation between suicide rates and the fact of temperature change. Rather, the causes must be in some factor that has continuity over time. He then notes that the rates are more closely connected to the length of day, with suicides increasing as the days grow longer, and decreasing in number as the length of day declines. But it is not the su n itself which is the cause, because at noontime there are fewer suicides than at other times of the day.What Durkheim finds is that the factors associated with higher numbers of suicides must be those that relate to â€Å"the time when social life is at its height† (Suicide, p. 119). The time of day, the day of week, the season of the year, and so on, are not in themselves the reason for the changes in the number of suicides. Rather, the times when social life and interaction among people are greater, are also those associated with increased suicide. Durkheim concludes this section by saying (quote 13): Four Types of SuicideThe manner in which social integration and regulation work can be better seen by examining the four fold classification of suicides that Durkheim developed. Durkheim ends his discussion of the organic-psychic and physical environmental factors by concluding that they cannot explain â€Å"each social group[s] †¦ specific tendency to suicide. † (Suicide, p. 145). By eliminating other explanations, Durkheim claims that these tendencies must depend on social causes and must be collective phenomena.The key to each type is a social factor, with the degrees of integration and regulation into society being either too high or too low. (The following discussion is drawn from Ritzer, pp. 90 ff. ). 1. Egoistic Suicide. This is the type of suicide that occurs where the degree of social integration is low, and there is a sense of meaningless among individuals. In traditional societies, with mechanical solidarity, this is not likely to be the cause of suicide. There the strong collective consciousness gives people a broad sense of meaning to their lives.Within modern society, the weaker collective consciousness means that people may not see the same meaning in their lives, and unrestrained pursuit of individual interests may lead to strong dissatisfaction. One of the results of this can be suicide. Individuals who are strongly integrat ed into a family structure, a religious group, or some other type of integrative group are less likely to encounter these problems, and that explains the lower suicide rates among them. The factors leading to egoistic suicide can be social currents such as depression and disillusionment.For Durkheim, these are social forces or social facts, even though it is the depressed or melancholy individual who takes his or her life voluntarily. â€Å"Actors are never free of the force of the collectivity: ‘However individualized a man may be, there is always something collective remaining – the very depression and melancholy resulting from this same exaggerated individualism. ‘† Also, on p. 214 of Suicide, Durkheim says â€Å"Thence are formed currents of depression and disillusionment emanating from no particular individual but expressing society's state of disillusionment. Durkheim notes that â€Å"the bond attaching man to life relaxes because that attaching him to society is itself slack. †¦ The individual yields to the slightest shock of circumstance because the state of society has made him a ready prey to suicide. † (Suicide, pp. 214-215). 2. Altruistic Suicide. This is the type of suicide that occurs when integration is too great, the collective consciousness too strong, and the â€Å"individual is forced into committing suicide. † (Ritzer, p. 91). Integration may not be the direct cause of suicide here, but the social currents that go along with this very high degree of integration can lead to this.The followers of Jim Jones of the People’s Temple or the members of the Solar Temple are an example of this, as are ritual suicides in Japan. Ritzer notes that some may â€Å"feel it is their duty† to commit suicide. (p. 91). Examples in primitive society cited by Durkheim are suicides of those who are old and sick, suicides of women following the death of their husband, and suicides of followers after the d eath of a chief. According to Durkheim this type of suicide may actually â€Å"springs from hope, for it depends on the belief in beautiful perspectives beyond this life. † 3.Anomic Suicide. Anomie or anomy come from the Greek meaning lawlessness. Nomos means usage, custom, or law and nemein means to distribute. Anomy thus is social instability resulting from breakdown of standards and values. (Webster's Dictionary). This is a type of suicide related to too low a degree of regulation, or external constraint on people. As with the anomic division of labour, this can occur when the normal form of the division of labour is disrupted, and â€Å"the collectivity is temporarily incapable of exercising its authority over individuals. † (Ritzer, p. 92).This can occur either during periods associated with economic depression (stock market crash of the 1930s) or over-rapid economic expansion. New situations with few norms, the regulative effect of structures is weakened, and the individual may feel rootless. In this situation, an individual may be subject to anomic social currents. People that are freed from constraints become â€Å"slaves to their passions, and as a result, according to Durkheim's view, commit a wide range of destructive acts, including killing themselves in greater numbers than they ordinarily would. † (Ritzer, p. , 92).In addition to economic anomie, Durkheim also spends time examining domestic anomie. For example, suicides of family members may occur after the death of a husband or wife. 4. Fatalistic Suicide. When regulation is too strong, Durkheim considers the possibility that â€Å"persons with futures pitilessly blocked and passions v iolently choked by oppressive discipline† may see no way out. The individual sees no possible manner in which their lives can be improved, and when in a state of melancholy, may be subject to social currents of fatalistic suicide. Summary. Durkheim's analysis of suicide shows the manner n which the social as opposed to the psychological and biological can be emphasized, and how it results in some useful ways of analyzing the actions of individuals. Suicide rates as expressions of social currents are social facts that affect societies and individuals within those societies. The study of psychology is still useful in attempting to determine individual motives and the manner in which the specific circumstances can lead to an individual deciding to voluntarily end their life. But an analysis of these circumstances should be set within the context of the social currents to which that individual is subject.The method of analysis of Durkheim should prove useful even today. In terms of suicide, the social causes are now well recognized, and any analysis of suicide would have to include these. Some combination of egoistic, anomic, and fatalistic types of suicide may help explain and understand this phenomenon. More generally, the method of Suicide is exemplary in providing researchers with a means of understanding the social factors that are associated with particular phenomena. Durkheim examines patterns on the data in an attempt to determine how social factors can play a role in explaining these phenomena.This might be applied to sociobiological arguments today. The trends themselves are not the cause, but indicative of a cause, a social explanation has to be found. C. Conclusions about Durkheim 1. Contributions a. Social Facts and Social Aspects. These are real things that do affect people. He had a strong structural view of society, and the manner in which each of us is influenced by these social facts and how we must fit into these. Durkheim attempted to see a role for the social as distinguished from the economic, psychological and biological.This can be seen in his view of the social influences on suicide rates, where he takes a wide variety of factors and considers their influence on the tendency or aptitude for suicide. The effect of each of these factors is not a simple connection between the factor and the tendency to suicide, but must be mediated by social factors. In particular, the social factors that he identified were the degree of integration and the degree of regulation. For modern theories of sociobiology, and the influence of genetics, Durkheim's approach could prove a useful counter. References Cuff, E. C. , W. W. Sharrock and D. W.Francis, Perspectives in Sociology, third edition, London, Routledge, 1992. HM66 P36 1984 Durkheim, Emile, The Division of Labor in Society, New York, The Free Press, 1933. Referred to in notes as Division. HD 51 D98 Durkheim, Emile, The Rules of Sociological Method, New York, The Free Press, 1938. Referred to in notes as Rules. HM 24 D962 Durkheim, Emile, Suicide: A Study in Sociology, New York, The Free Press, 1951. Referred to in notes as Suicide. HV 6545 D812 Giddens, Anthony, Capitalism and Modern Social Theory: An Analysis of the Writings of Marx, Durkheim and Max Weber, Ca mbridge, Cambridge University Press, 1971.HM19 G53. Ritzer, George, Sociological Theory, third edition, New York, McGraw-Hill, 1992. HM24 R4938. Social Explanation. If voluntary deaths increase from January to July, it is not because heat disturbs the organism, but because social life is more intense. To be sure, this greater intensity derives from the greater ease of development of social life in the Summer than in the Winter, owing to the sun's position †¦ , the state of the atmosphere, etc. But the physical environment does not stimulate it directly; above all, it has no effect on the progression of suicide. The latter depends on social conditions. Suicide, pp. 121-122). While this is not a proof or determination of what causes suicide yet, Durkheim notes that the causes must relate to collective life and must be such that these time factors can be incorporated into an explanation. But the explanation must be social in nature, and cannot be simply related to natural factors, these natural factors must work socially, and affect some social aspects which are related to suicide. Note that Durkheim ‘s method here is very empirical, and he searches through various sorts of data and evidence to find factors associated with suicide.But the explanation is not simply a relation between these data and suicides. Rather he is searching for social causes or conditions that are expressed through these. That is, he uses data to discover patterns, but the patterns themselves are not the cause of the phenomenon. Rather the cause is social, and the observed, empirical patterns constitute a means of finding underlying causes. Another factor that Durkheim considers is religion. While he does find that religion is associated with suicide, in the sense thatProtestant countries and regions have higher suicide rates than do Catholic ones, religious doctrines are not an important factor in explaining these differences. That is, suicide is condemned more or less equally i n each religion, and doctrinal statements concerning suicide are all negative. If there is a difference between the two religions with respect to suicide rates, it must be in some aspect of social organization that differs between the two churches. But if this is the factor related to suicide, then it is the social organization that is the cause of the difference, not religion in itself.Giddens notes (p. 83) that Durkheim finds further proof of this in other factors related to social organization, that is, family structure. Where there is more integration in family structure, the suicides are lesser in number. Durkheim argues that the most important aspects of social organization and collective life for explaining differences in suicide rates are the degree of integration into and regulation by society. For Durkheim, integration is the â€Å"degree to which collective sentiments are shared† and regulation refers to â€Å"the degree of external constraint on people. (Ritzer, p. 90). Catholicism is a more highly integrated religion than Protestantism, and it is in this that the difference in suicide rates is expressed. That is, it is not the religious doctrines themselves but the different social organization of the two religions. As Giddens notes (p. 83), degree of integration of family structure is related in the same way to suicides. Those in larger families are less likely to commit suicide, whereas those in smaller families, or single, are more likely. Over time, various social factors also make their influence felt.Durkheim notes that there was a decline in the number of suicides in all the European countries in 1848, a year of revolution and political change throughout Europe. Times of political crisis, war, and economic change are also associated with changes in the rate of suicide. Each of these great social movements could be considered to be examples of social currents that have widespread impact within and across societies. Ritzer (p. 89) not es that Durkheim was making two arguments. First, he argued that different collectivities have different collective consciousness or collective representation.These produce different social currents, and these lead to different suicide rates. By studying different groups and societies, some of these currents can be analyzed, and the effect of these on suicide can be determined. Second, changes in the collective consciousness lead to changes in social currents. These are then associated with changes in suicide rates (quote 14): Sociological Explanation. The conclusion from all these facts is that the social suicide-rate can be explained only sociologically.At any given moment the moral constitution of society established the contingent of voluntary deaths. There is, therefore, for each people a collective force of a definite amount of energy, impelling men to self-destruction. The victim's acts which at first seem to express only his personal temperament are really the supplement and prolongation of a social condition which they express externally. †¦ Each social group really has a collective inclination for the act, quite its own, and the source of all individual inclination, rather than the result.It is made up of the currents of egoism, altruism or anomy running through the society under consideration with the tendencies to languorous melancholy, active renunciation or exasperated weariness derivative from these currents. These tendencies of the whole social body, by affecting individuals, cause them to commit suicide. The private experiences usually thought to be the proximate causes of suicide have only the influence borrowed from the victim's moral predisposition, itself and echo of the moral state of society. (Suicide, pp. 299-300).